The South Sudan Series, Issue 4: Conclusion & Bibliography

In this final issue of the South Sudan Series, this series has found that although the 2005 CPA managed to bring to an end the protracted conflict between north and south Sudan and resulted in independence of the south from the north, its outcome beyond these has been disappointing and detrimental to the long term peace and stability for south Sudan, both as a region then as an independent sovereign state. The CPA ignored the engagement of the population in its development. In addition, it conventionally frustrated any form of covenant that existed or had been developed between the SPLA and the population of the south as a result of their support of the rebellion. Instead, the CPA replaced the population with oil using it as a basis upon which the belligerents would build their governance and draw their legitimacy.

The implication of this is that the CPA successfully created the new state of South Sudan but systematically inhibited its development of a monopoly over access to the means and exercise of force and taxation. These are attributes that Di John (2010) and North (1999) point to as being fundamental in enhancing a state’s resilience and to the reduction of the prospect of non-state actors financing rebellion or challenging states authority in the delivery of services to its population. Because of the inherently dual political and economic nature of taxation, the monopolisation of tax collection not only represents the basic permeability of the state in all sectors of the economy but also makes it difficult for non-state rivals to challenge the state’s authority (Di John 2010). On the contrary, the CPA created a government with extremely narrow tax base heavily dependent on unearned oil revenue limiting political interactions between the state officials and the population. Consequently, the construction of a government whose structure was fundamentally established around oil wealth limited the state’s ability to permeate its society. Hence to date, the South Sudan government is far from being resilient due to its weak presence in most areas of its territory.


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De Soysa, Indra (2000), “The Resource Curse: Are Civil Wars Driven by Rapacity or Paucity?”, in Berdal, Mats and David Malone (eds.), Greed and Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars, Boulder and London: IDRC/Lynne Rienner.

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Fairhead, James (2000), “The Conflict over Natural and Environmental Resources”, Chapter 4 in Nafziger, E.W, F. Stewart and R. Värynen (eds.) (2000), War, Hunger and Displacement: Volume 1: The Origins of Humanitarian Emergencies –War and Displacement in Developing Countries, OUP: Oxford.

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Komey, K., Guma. (2013), Back to war in Sudan : flawed peace agreement, failed political will, in Chr. Michelsens institute., Ahmad, A. G. M., & Sørbø, G. M., 2013. Sudan divided: Continuing conflict in a contested state. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.

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Sorbo, G. M & Ahmed, A., G (2013), Sudan’s Durable Disorder, in Chr. Michelsens institute., Ahmad, A. G. M., & Sørbø, G. M., 2013. Sudan divided: Continuing conflict in a contested state. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.

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Official Documents:

All Africa Conference of Churches., New Sudan Council of Churches., & National Council of Churches of Kenya., 1998. The Sudan at war, in search of peace: Report of a consultation convened by churches and Christian councils of the Great Lakes-Horn of Africa Region, April 7-8, 1998, Karen, Nairobi, Kenya. [Nairobi?: s.n..

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United Nations (2005) The Comprehensive Peace Agreement Between The Government of The Republic of The Sudan and The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Sudan People’s Liberation Army

World Bank (2003), Breaking the Conflict Trap: Civil War and Development Policy, Washington: World Bank (ISBN 0821354817), Chapter 3.

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